by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .

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By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Like the Regulationists, then, Lordon is chiefly concerned with periodization: The Making of Bourgeois Europe. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. An early observer of the subprime mortgage crisishe proposed the implementation of a tax he nicknamed SLAM, for Shareholder Limited Authorized Margin, the effect of which would be to limit profits so lotdon profit making ventures in the real economy are not frdeeric “only by the interests of the stock exchange market.

Piketty is unable to see that they are ad hoc and recent inventions. These wrongs are not just accidental, they are fundamental to capital as a force making for the constant re-division of labour, in other words, for destruction and downgrading, as much as lkrdon innovation.

He is an influential figure in France’s Nuit debout movement. Why do people work for other people?

The conclusion to be drawn from this analysis is not that we should have been content simply to save the banks. It is therefore easy to see that being leftwing means adopting a certain stance towards capital. The same goes for those in work, who suffer under the tyrannical demands of productivity and profitability, constant threats of mass layoffs, delocalisation, restructuring — the energy-sapping precariousness and brutal nature of employment.

When access to money is essential for survival, and the only means of access is working for a salary, it is clear that, ultimately, being a salaried worker is like having a gun to your head. In fact, blackmail seems to be a fundamental part of the capitalist system.

He finds it difficult to understand why people continue to not only support, but fight for a system which perpetuates their own exploitation. Redundant workers probably suffer less from seeing the rich parade their wealth than from the way their lives have been wrecked by the iron law of financial valuation.

Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien – Libération

Contesting the supremacy of capital also means making it face up to its responsibility for the wrongs it has done to society. This group is a collection of economists who are inclined towards rejecting conventional economic doctrines, including popular ones such as the efficient market hypothesis. The concern of a Spinozist social science is thus, in his words: What tax could replace bank separation, closure of some markets, a ban on securitisation?


Capital should offer compensation to the unemployed and to casual workers, compensation for falls in income, for the flexibilisation and casualisation of employment, and the disruption to daily life: But he is still willing to wear a false beard.

This definition of left is a fairly broad one, since it does not make any prior assumptions as to how to deal with capitalism itself and invites a debate on its overthrow. Africa will soon enter the global age, and will inflict on China the same kind of damage that China has inflicted on Europe; MP3 players have lprdon CDs just as CDs replaced vinyl, digital photography has replaced silver halide film, and smartphones have replaced cameras.

The idea that emotions matter in politics is a common place. Don’t have an account?

A Structuralism of Feeling? Alberto Toscano on Frédéric Lordon

Capital, as a social group, has now won back everything it conceded after the second world war. A Structuralism of Feeling? If society continues to be dependent on capital for its material needs, and capital continues to do as it pleases with issues that are crucial to society, then society must protect its higher interests by laying down the conditions under which it will tolerate this situation.

In his desire for generalised peace — between capital and labour, the peace of the Just what is capital? Lordon provides his insights and unique perspective in relation to such problems and suggests his opinions on how to better prevent or deal with such crises.

If affects are the real engine of politics, they can nowhere be better seen than in crisis times.

There is also a clear risk of depoliticisation, in that events taking place over decades become minor fluctuations when seen from the perspective of millennia. A trail of corpses Nothing can prepare society for the damage done by this continual process of change. Frexeric as a mode of production and frwderic social relationship, it affects them far more through the slavery it creates — an eight-hour working day takes up half their waking day.

What are the origins of this project, and what have been its results to date?

For it is an idea. The Shareholder Limited Authorized Margin, as it would be called, was designed to set boundaries on the profit making capabilities of businesses. These lefts will be locally based, but keen to talk to and support one another. Piketty provides a scientific consecration, not fredwric of the public perception that monetary inequality exists, but also of the theme around which the discussion of capitalism will revolve — around which it already revolves: He is ill equipped to tell this story.


The usefulness of social sciences is never so clear as when they contribute to the political debate with solidly established facts.

For the French elites, acceptance involved perpetual atonement for the original sin of state intervention, ideologically kordon in Anglo-Saxon eyes as their collective second nature. In his most recent works, direct responses to the Eurozone crisis, this concern with our collective investments in institutional and state power comes to the fore. In the three chapters—more like three theses—Lordon explores the reasons for our general desire to be enslaved by modern work and the workplace These advances are always institutional conquests.

In the absence of either, the process is bound to grow like a cancer, in intensity and in extent.

Most economists, driven by the need to publish, have unlearned the skill of writing books. The eventual outcome was of course the BNP—Paribas merger, creating the mega-bank whose closed windows in August signalled the start of the financial crisis. At the risk of offending the alter-globalist elite bi- or trilingual, accustomed to travelling and given to thinking that everyone shares their abilitiesinternational action, which is perfectly possible and indeed desirable, cannot possibly be as intense or extensive, nor can it have the same impact as action that begins at national level.

The future belongs to it.

Why Piketty isn’t Marx, by Frédéric Lordon (Le Monde diplomatique – English edition, May )

Lordon played an instrumental role in the rise of the Nuit debout movement. Not only were they fearful because of their precarious situation but they were unable to communicate with one another, and therefore unable to coordinate their efforts in fighting for their rights. The key question is who controls institutions and structures, who has the power to create them, or reshape them to their own ends. In the narrow sense of wealth, capital affects ordinary people through the obscene spectacle of wealth inequality.

In intensity, through the endless pursuit of greater productivity; in extent, through expansion into new areas, geographical territories untouched until now — Asia and now Africa — and new areas of commercialisation.